Brown Has Created King Size Hangover
Over recent weeks we have seen a growing realisation amongst journalists and newspaper editors that Brown’s economic miracle is not all that he has promised, and that he is likely to leave a trail of destruction in his wake as his desperate gambles with the British economy begin to unravel over the coming few years. The group was joined today by Larry Elliot in the Guardian who believes that Brown’s single achievement and selling point for his stay as Prime Minister, the economy, is not the “inflation proof show-stopper” that has been claimed.
Britain has become a giant offshore hedge fund in which the viability of the balance of payments depends on the City’s ability to gamble more successfully than its counterparts in Frankfurt, Tokyo and New York, and where an excess of cheap money has allowed consumers to feed their spending habit, either directly through their credit cards or by using their homes as cash machines. The result is an economy in which the financial sector is the main source of growth, and which is even more heavily skewed towards the south-east of England than when Labour came to power. The gap between rich and poor is growing too.
In his budget speech last month, Brown boasted that inflation since 1997 had averaged 1.5% during his stewardship of the economy, half the level of the previous decade. This week’s figures showed it running at 3.1%, and that’s using the yardstick for assessing the cost of living - the consumer prices index - that is most favourable to the government. Until 2003, Brown used the retail prices index excluding mortgage interest payments, and on that basis inflation is running at 3.9%. Indeed, had the chancellor stuck to his old measure, King would have had to use his fountain pen in three of the past four months.
Using the all-items RPI, still the preferred benchmark for pay negotiations, prices are 4.8% higher than they were 12 months ago. That has left the City convinced that interest rates will be raised by the Bank of England next month and that further increases may be necessary later in the year.
Brown would say that, even if interest rates were to rise to 6%, that would still leave them where they were when Labour came to power. The problem is, though, that Britain is now so heavily in debt that even quite small increases in borrowing costs could hurt. They will certainly affect political sentiment, not least because it’s a good bet that quite a few voters would themselves secretly admit that spending more than you are earning - be it at a personal or a national level - is unsustainable.
In the past, periods of excess have been followed by king-sized hangovers, and we may be in for some pain this time as well. Brown is reluctant to talk down the pound, which would be one way of boosting exports, and a different mix of monetary and fiscal policy - higher taxes to dampen down consumption, offset by lower interest rates and a lower pound - is a political non-starter at the present juncture, given the scale of the increase that would be needed.
New Labour is ideologically opposed to more innovative ideas, such as a two-tier system of interest rates that would discriminate between money borrowed for investment and that used for speculation. Nor has it done more than dabble with the idea that there needs to be radical reform of land and property taxation in the UK to keep the housing market in check. Having been blamed, unfairly, for single-handedly destroying pensions, Brown is hardly likely to lay himself open to the charge that he wants to do the same to property.
A decade ago, a more activist industrial strategy - perhaps giving support to Britain’s fledgling biotech and environmental industry, as provided by competitor countries for their high-growth sectors - might have helped rebalance the economy, but it’s a bit late now.
Instead, Brown’s arrival in power will coincide with an economic slowdown of one sort or another. Either the chancellor will be successful in his attempt to put the squeeze on pay, in which case below-inflation wage deals will lead to falling real incomes, or deals will be struck at about the current RPI inflation rate, in which case the Bank will have kittens at the prospect of a wage-price spiral and keep on raising interest rates until higher unemployment drives the message home. A good way to overturn a 15-point opinion poll deficit? I wouldn’t bank on it.
